州主席中莱在今天(30日)公布了槟州联委会的名单，在这之前报章一再猜测高票中选的清凉将会被委任为州的暑理主席。
当然，在这之前也是传媒报道说她出任暑理主席会面对阻碍。
出乎意料,马青团长协文被委以重任，担任州的暑理主席，一夜之间成名。协文，你任重而道远，要努力完成任务。
但是，有一点要特别赞扬中莱的是他的联委会排阵成功的获得州内13个区会的头头的点头。记者会过后大伙移到CORNER‘S CLUB吃午餐时，政治秘书伟豪说：“已经很久没有看到州内13个区会的领袖坐在一起，有说有笑的吃饭。”
我想这是好的开始。至少，让这个全新的阵容一个一年的机会，希望马华槟州重新振作！
Today , MCA Penang Chairman ，Dato’ Liow announced the state liaison committee new line-up.
It has been widely speculated and reported in the media that MCA cc member ， Tan Cheng Liang would be appointed the deputy chairman post.
Of course , there were also reports saying that Tan Cheng Liang may face objections from her own comrades.
True enough , MCA Youth Section head , Eng Hiap Boon , 40 , was given the heavy task of state deputy chairman. This is a big surprise!
I have to salute my Chariman , Dato' Liow for his wisdom and ability to convince the heads of all the 13 divisions to accept the line-up proposed by him.
After the press conference , the whole lot of us adjourned for lunch at Corner's Club. Wei Hao told me that :" For the past so many years , he has not seen MCA Penang divison leaders sitting together to have lunch ，this is the 1st time after so long".
Obviously , this is a good sign.
Let's give a time frame of one year for this new team.
Dear comrades , please give your support to this new team.
Sunday, November 30, 2008
Friday, November 28, 2008
虚张声势
成语虚张声势的最新注解应该是安华的“916变天”。
最近，人民公正党署理主席赛胡先阿里认为，民联变天失败的教训，是因为说大多。其实，不是说太多，根本就是在敲锣打鼓，虚张声势！
“916变天”的闹剧根本就是假民主之名在行骗。
很多人看到近几天泰国发生的示威者占据机场，严重破坏泰国的经济，特别是旅游业时，都在内心严厉的谴责这些示威者不尊重民主。泰国的政府是通过票箱选出来的，为什么示威者不能让这个民选政府好好的执政，如果做不好，来届大选再换政府。
同样的，308大选，人民通过选票，选出中央政府、州政府之后，就应该让中央和州政府去履行竞选诺言，四五年后，再向人民展示政绩，再来一次公平竞争。这就是民主的基本精神。
不客气的说，“916变天”论和泰国的示威者占据机场，严重破坏国家经济都是同出一辙，应该受到严厉的谴责！
最近，人民公正党署理主席赛胡先阿里认为，民联变天失败的教训，是因为说大多。其实，不是说太多，根本就是在敲锣打鼓，虚张声势！
“916变天”的闹剧根本就是假民主之名在行骗。
很多人看到近几天泰国发生的示威者占据机场，严重破坏泰国的经济，特别是旅游业时，都在内心严厉的谴责这些示威者不尊重民主。泰国的政府是通过票箱选出来的，为什么示威者不能让这个民选政府好好的执政，如果做不好，来届大选再换政府。
同样的，308大选，人民通过选票，选出中央政府、州政府之后，就应该让中央和州政府去履行竞选诺言，四五年后，再向人民展示政绩，再来一次公平竞争。这就是民主的基本精神。
不客气的说，“916变天”论和泰国的示威者占据机场，严重破坏国家经济都是同出一辙，应该受到严厉的谴责！
槟州路牌
我以马华中委的名誉发表文告，痛批槟州政府企图通过多语文路牌，小题大作，博取宣传。
的确，在公在私，我们都应该支持多语路牌。但是，请不要以此来搞民粹，投机取巧。搞旅游业要扎实的功夫，绝非三几块多语路牌就可以交差了事。
就以已经停飞的槟城厦门的直航来说，厦航从2005开始直航，不到两年，亏了将近千万元。道理很简单，客源太少了，当时的情形是从槟城去厦门的本地游客还好，但是从中国来槟的游客却不多，因为槟城没什么好玩。
最近，在槟夏友好协会的六周年宴会，林冠英又旧事重提，要中方研究重新开航，槟夏直航。但是，从今天28日的报导，中方已经表示困难重重，客源不足，亏本生意没有人要做。
民联政府的逻辑是：多语路牌挂上去了，游客就应该滚滚而来吧！其他扎实功夫不须要做了！
奉劝民联政府，脚踏实地，搞经济，要扎实，不能投机取巧，绝非三几块路牌就可以蒙骗过去的。
写到这里，应该提到在刚过去的州议会，林冠英的第一份槟州财政预算案，并没有为槟州在2009年即将面对的金融海啸做好准备，槟城就等着瞧吧。
的确，在公在私，我们都应该支持多语路牌。但是，请不要以此来搞民粹，投机取巧。搞旅游业要扎实的功夫，绝非三几块多语路牌就可以交差了事。
就以已经停飞的槟城厦门的直航来说，厦航从2005开始直航，不到两年，亏了将近千万元。道理很简单，客源太少了，当时的情形是从槟城去厦门的本地游客还好，但是从中国来槟的游客却不多，因为槟城没什么好玩。
最近，在槟夏友好协会的六周年宴会，林冠英又旧事重提，要中方研究重新开航，槟夏直航。但是，从今天28日的报导，中方已经表示困难重重，客源不足，亏本生意没有人要做。
民联政府的逻辑是：多语路牌挂上去了，游客就应该滚滚而来吧！其他扎实功夫不须要做了！
奉劝民联政府，脚踏实地，搞经济，要扎实，不能投机取巧，绝非三几块路牌就可以蒙骗过去的。
写到这里，应该提到在刚过去的州议会，林冠英的第一份槟州财政预算案，并没有为槟州在2009年即将面对的金融海啸做好准备，槟城就等着瞧吧。
Saturday, November 22, 2008
政治就是这样 - 不要自鸣清高
台湾当局为了提高人民的消费意愿，决定发出每个人三千六百新台币的消费券，让人民在明年一月消费。
马英九总统被问到要如何用这份消费券时，说：“我的消费券将捐作慈善”。
总统这样的回答遭到批评，认为是呆板，没有创意。更严重的是，大家认为消费券是全民话题，全民运动，身为总统的怎么这么不解风情，太扫兴了！这是与民同乐，共同“血拼”的时候，总统怎么是自鸣清高，和人民显得格格不入？
的确，作为政治人物，特别是居高职位者，要紧记着时时刻刻“好像被看到和人民在一起”！
马英九总统被问到要如何用这份消费券时，说：“我的消费券将捐作慈善”。
总统这样的回答遭到批评，认为是呆板，没有创意。更严重的是，大家认为消费券是全民话题，全民运动，身为总统的怎么这么不解风情，太扫兴了！这是与民同乐，共同“血拼”的时候，总统怎么是自鸣清高，和人民显得格格不入？
的确，作为政治人物，特别是居高职位者，要紧记着时时刻刻“好像被看到和人民在一起”！
Friday, November 21, 2008
候任者的困境
美国总统选举尘埃落定，但是PRESIDENT ELECT候任总统却须要等到明年一月20日才宣誓就职。
美国目前处在超级困境，而世界其他国家也因为美国而同样的处在这超级困境中。每个国家在“等和看”美国的行动。比如说美国推出七千亿美元的救市行动，其他国家纷纷效尤。
问题是美国的金融大海啸的确太大、太大了。在非常时期须要非常手段。然而，处于新旧总统交接期，是属于“跛脚鸭”政府状态，很难有什么惊人之举，也不会有大破大立的动作。
PAUL KRUGMAN就在他的专栏提到了这点：-
November 21, 2008
Op-Ed Columnist
The Lame-Duck Economy
By PAUL KRUGMAN
Everyone’s talking about a new New Deal, for obvious reasons. In 2008, as in 1932, a long era of Republican political dominance came to an end in the face of an economic and financial crisis that, in voters’ minds, both discredited the G.O.P.’s free-market ideology and undermined its claims of competence. And for those on the progressive side of the political spectrum, these are hopeful times.
There is, however, another and more disturbing parallel between 2008 and 1932 — namely, the emergence of a power vacuum at the height of the crisis. The interregnum of 1932-1933, the long stretch between the election and the actual transfer of power, was disastrous for the U.S. economy, at least in part because the outgoing administration had no credibility, the incoming administration had no authority and the ideological chasm between the two sides was too great to allow concerted action. And the same thing is happening now.
It’s true that the interregnum will be shorter this time: F.D.R. wasn’t inaugurated until March; Barack Obama will move into the White House on Jan. 20. But crises move faster these days.
How much can go wrong in the two months before Mr. Obama takes the oath of office? The answer, unfortunately, is: a lot. Consider how much darker the economic picture has grown since the failure of Lehman Brothers, which took place just over two months ago. And the pace of deterioration seems to be accelerating.
Most obviously, we’re in the midst of the worst stock market crash since the Great Depression: the Standard & Poor’s 500-stock index has now fallen more than 50 percent from its peak. Other indicators are arguably even more disturbing: unemployment claims are surging, manufacturing production is plunging, interest rates on corporate bonds — which reflect investor fears of default — are soaring, which will almost surely lead to a sharp fall in business spending. The prospects for the economy look much grimmer now than they did as little as a week or two ago.
Yet economic policy, rather than responding to the threat, seems to have gone on vacation. In particular, panic has returned to the credit markets, yet no new rescue plan is in sight. On the contrary, Henry Paulson, the Treasury secretary, has announced that he won’t even go back to Congress for the second half of the $700 billion already approved for financial bailouts. And financial aid for the beleaguered auto industry is being stalled by a political standoff.
How much should we worry about what looks like two months of policy drift? At minimum, the next two months will inflict serious pain on hundreds of thousands of Americans, who will lose their jobs, their homes, or both. What’s really troubling, however, is the possibility that some of the damage being done right now will be irreversible. I’m concerned, in particular, about the two D’s: deflation and Detroit.
About deflation: Japan’s “lost decade” in the 1990s taught economists that it’s very hard to get the economy moving once expectations of inflation get too low (it doesn’t matter whether people literally expect prices to fall). Yet there’s clear deflationary pressure on the U.S. economy right now, and every month that passes without signs of recovery increases the odds that we’ll find ourselves stuck in a Japan-type trap for years.
About Detroit: There’s now a real risk that, in the absence of quick federal aid, the Big Three automakers and their network of suppliers will be forced into liquidation — that is, forced to shut down, lay off all their workers and sell off their assets. And if that happens, it will be very hard to bring them back.
Now, maybe letting the auto companies die is the right decision, even though an auto industry collapse would be a huge blow to an already slumping economy. But it’s a decision that should be taken carefully, with full consideration of the costs and benefits — not a decision taken by default, because of a political standoff between Democrats who want Mr. Paulson to use some of that $700 billion and a lame-duck administration that’s trying to force Congress to divert funds from a fuel-efficiency program instead.
Is economic policy completely paralyzed between now and Jan. 20? No, not completely. Some useful actions are being taken. For example, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the lending agencies, have taken the helpful step of declaring a temporary halt to foreclosures, while Congress has passed a badly needed extension of unemployment benefits now that the White House has dropped its opposition.
But nothing is happening on the policy front that is remotely commensurate with the scale of the economic crisis. And it’s scary to think how much more can go wrong before Inauguration Day.
其实，上面提到的情形同样的发生在大马。新首相必须等到明年三月28日才正式上任。而在这段时期，可以说一“政策空白期”，我们不敢祈望有什么大动作，一切将是“照常如仪”。
当然，大马的情形可能更严重，除了交接期太长之外，巫统暑理主席之争将会带来很多的后遗症。这是大马的不幸！
美国目前处在超级困境，而世界其他国家也因为美国而同样的处在这超级困境中。每个国家在“等和看”美国的行动。比如说美国推出七千亿美元的救市行动，其他国家纷纷效尤。
问题是美国的金融大海啸的确太大、太大了。在非常时期须要非常手段。然而，处于新旧总统交接期，是属于“跛脚鸭”政府状态，很难有什么惊人之举，也不会有大破大立的动作。
PAUL KRUGMAN就在他的专栏提到了这点：-
November 21, 2008
Op-Ed Columnist
The Lame-Duck Economy
By PAUL KRUGMAN
Everyone’s talking about a new New Deal, for obvious reasons. In 2008, as in 1932, a long era of Republican political dominance came to an end in the face of an economic and financial crisis that, in voters’ minds, both discredited the G.O.P.’s free-market ideology and undermined its claims of competence. And for those on the progressive side of the political spectrum, these are hopeful times.
There is, however, another and more disturbing parallel between 2008 and 1932 — namely, the emergence of a power vacuum at the height of the crisis. The interregnum of 1932-1933, the long stretch between the election and the actual transfer of power, was disastrous for the U.S. economy, at least in part because the outgoing administration had no credibility, the incoming administration had no authority and the ideological chasm between the two sides was too great to allow concerted action. And the same thing is happening now.
It’s true that the interregnum will be shorter this time: F.D.R. wasn’t inaugurated until March; Barack Obama will move into the White House on Jan. 20. But crises move faster these days.
How much can go wrong in the two months before Mr. Obama takes the oath of office? The answer, unfortunately, is: a lot. Consider how much darker the economic picture has grown since the failure of Lehman Brothers, which took place just over two months ago. And the pace of deterioration seems to be accelerating.
Most obviously, we’re in the midst of the worst stock market crash since the Great Depression: the Standard & Poor’s 500-stock index has now fallen more than 50 percent from its peak. Other indicators are arguably even more disturbing: unemployment claims are surging, manufacturing production is plunging, interest rates on corporate bonds — which reflect investor fears of default — are soaring, which will almost surely lead to a sharp fall in business spending. The prospects for the economy look much grimmer now than they did as little as a week or two ago.
Yet economic policy, rather than responding to the threat, seems to have gone on vacation. In particular, panic has returned to the credit markets, yet no new rescue plan is in sight. On the contrary, Henry Paulson, the Treasury secretary, has announced that he won’t even go back to Congress for the second half of the $700 billion already approved for financial bailouts. And financial aid for the beleaguered auto industry is being stalled by a political standoff.
How much should we worry about what looks like two months of policy drift? At minimum, the next two months will inflict serious pain on hundreds of thousands of Americans, who will lose their jobs, their homes, or both. What’s really troubling, however, is the possibility that some of the damage being done right now will be irreversible. I’m concerned, in particular, about the two D’s: deflation and Detroit.
About deflation: Japan’s “lost decade” in the 1990s taught economists that it’s very hard to get the economy moving once expectations of inflation get too low (it doesn’t matter whether people literally expect prices to fall). Yet there’s clear deflationary pressure on the U.S. economy right now, and every month that passes without signs of recovery increases the odds that we’ll find ourselves stuck in a Japan-type trap for years.
About Detroit: There’s now a real risk that, in the absence of quick federal aid, the Big Three automakers and their network of suppliers will be forced into liquidation — that is, forced to shut down, lay off all their workers and sell off their assets. And if that happens, it will be very hard to bring them back.
Now, maybe letting the auto companies die is the right decision, even though an auto industry collapse would be a huge blow to an already slumping economy. But it’s a decision that should be taken carefully, with full consideration of the costs and benefits — not a decision taken by default, because of a political standoff between Democrats who want Mr. Paulson to use some of that $700 billion and a lame-duck administration that’s trying to force Congress to divert funds from a fuel-efficiency program instead.
Is economic policy completely paralyzed between now and Jan. 20? No, not completely. Some useful actions are being taken. For example, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the lending agencies, have taken the helpful step of declaring a temporary halt to foreclosures, while Congress has passed a badly needed extension of unemployment benefits now that the White House has dropped its opposition.
But nothing is happening on the policy front that is remotely commensurate with the scale of the economic crisis. And it’s scary to think how much more can go wrong before Inauguration Day.
其实，上面提到的情形同样的发生在大马。新首相必须等到明年三月28日才正式上任。而在这段时期，可以说一“政策空白期”，我们不敢祈望有什么大动作，一切将是“照常如仪”。
当然，大马的情形可能更严重，除了交接期太长之外，巫统暑理主席之争将会带来很多的后遗症。这是大马的不幸！
Monday, November 17, 2008
老蔡执行任务了
很高兴看到蔡细历终于开始执行"政府政策监督局"的任务了。
他先前针对党中央人事安排发飙，让广大党员忧心忡忡，大家都在担心党争真的会来。
其实，正如蔡细历自己所说的，他所负责的这个局在家定担任总会长时就被委任。可惜，在那个时候这个局的活动很少曝光，党员也不清楚到底有没有执行任务，大家几乎忘记了有这样的一个局。我想应该是当时任部长的细历太忙了，没有时间监督政府的政策。
当然，有一点要提到的，基于“内阁共同负责的原则”，要一位部长去进行监督政府政策是行不通的。一切政策的讨论、执行都要在内阁进行，部长不可以在内阁内保持沉默，出来之后再“说三道四”！
值得一提的是，老蔡在记者会上说 ： 若有官職在身，他肯定能更有效地執行工作和解決課題。
看来，老蔡还是“官职是万灵丹”！
对了，也要提醒老蔡，不要忘记监督民联政府的施政，对内也要对外！
他先前针对党中央人事安排发飙，让广大党员忧心忡忡，大家都在担心党争真的会来。
其实，正如蔡细历自己所说的，他所负责的这个局在家定担任总会长时就被委任。可惜，在那个时候这个局的活动很少曝光，党员也不清楚到底有没有执行任务，大家几乎忘记了有这样的一个局。我想应该是当时任部长的细历太忙了，没有时间监督政府的政策。
当然，有一点要提到的，基于“内阁共同负责的原则”，要一位部长去进行监督政府政策是行不通的。一切政策的讨论、执行都要在内阁进行，部长不可以在内阁内保持沉默，出来之后再“说三道四”！
值得一提的是，老蔡在记者会上说 ： 若有官職在身，他肯定能更有效地執行工作和解決課題。
看来，老蔡还是“官职是万灵丹”！
对了，也要提醒老蔡，不要忘记监督民联政府的施政，对内也要对外！
Thursday, November 13, 2008
老蔡发飙了?
马华总会长公布中委各项人事安排不到24小时，蔡细历终于沉不住气，通过传媒发飙了。
他发鳔的整个中心点就是“部长”一职。
哎，再次的赤裸裸的暴露出一些人参政的最终目的。
马华目前已经背负着巫统无恶不做的政治包袱了，而最近巫统党选的金钱政治看了更是令人发指。由于党选要到明年3月才举行，而老二一职又是空气的三角战，可以意料的是接下来还会有很多的“种族极端”言论。马华诸公可要等着接下更多的包袱了。
老蔡如果真的如其所愿的被委担任部长，马华、国阵将面对另外一些沉重的包袱：
1）一，历史上，也是世界上第一位“VCD”部长次；
2）二，国阵也不能只委任老蔡做部长，其他成员党好像MIC 、 GERAKAN 、 PPP 等头头都在等部长做，那么，一下可热闹了，国阵政府将会是最多通过走后门出任部长的政府了。
哈哈，这些包袱就让大家一起来扛吧！
他发鳔的整个中心点就是“部长”一职。
哎，再次的赤裸裸的暴露出一些人参政的最终目的。
马华目前已经背负着巫统无恶不做的政治包袱了，而最近巫统党选的金钱政治看了更是令人发指。由于党选要到明年3月才举行，而老二一职又是空气的三角战，可以意料的是接下来还会有很多的“种族极端”言论。马华诸公可要等着接下更多的包袱了。
老蔡如果真的如其所愿的被委担任部长，马华、国阵将面对另外一些沉重的包袱：
1）一，历史上，也是世界上第一位“VCD”部长次；
2）二，国阵也不能只委任老蔡做部长，其他成员党好像MIC 、 GERAKAN 、 PPP 等头头都在等部长做，那么，一下可热闹了，国阵政府将会是最多通过走后门出任部长的政府了。
哈哈，这些包袱就让大家一起来扛吧！
Sunday, November 2, 2008
反对霸市
威省，特别是大山脚一带的小商家、小贩商这几个月来都感受到生意量少了很多，市面行情固然不好，影响生意，但是，霸市林立更是一大威胁。
对于霸市，特别是资本雄厚的外资，对于我国的DISTRIBUTIVE TRADE的确会带来很大的影响，这个影响不是一朝一夕可以见到，而是在中长期。更重要的，如果任由霸市毫无节制的成立，华人在传统零售业、批发业，甚至是制造业在长期经营的优势将会崩溃。
或许有些人还记得在70/80年代初，当NEP在如火如荼的执行时，政府就发现到马来商家在零售业，五金业根本不能立足。原因是整个销售网络，从生产、批发到零售都是华人商家在做，一般马来人要打入这个网络是难如登天。其实，这种情形就好象印度人在MONEY CHANGER 和收买二手货市场的优势一样。
这样的优势当然不是从天而降，是这些商家经过长期经营，刻苦得来的。
在70/80年代，政府为了协助马来人打入这个网络，就成立了PERNAS TRADING，扮演批发的角色，希望可以通过PERNAS TRADING的官方优势来打破这个网络。当然，正如多数的政府的计划，PERNAS TRADING到了最后也没有什么成功。
但是，外资霸市的到来却是对这个网络带来了很大的冲击，如果没有良策来阻挡这股攻势，相信不出10年，这个华人先贤这么多年来的优势将会一蹶不振了。
这些外资到来本地，其实也不必带来太大的本钱，他们靠着母公司响当当的名字，就可以向银行借钱做生意。还有，本地厂商，特别是中小型的厂商，为了让产品可以在霸市上摆卖，账期可要特别通融。
外资霸市的策略很简单，只要用上三五年的时间，把本地传统零售商打得落花流水，这一层的销售网络一除之后，华人的批发业也跟着倒，剩下来的中小型厂家，要把产品推出市场就只有靠霸市了。试想想，华人厂家今后是不是要看外资的脸色做生意了吗？
自从NEP实行以来，华人在我国的经济地位每况愈下，策略性的经济领域根本就沾不上，而我们仅存的优势是在零售业，五金行业，特别是这两个行业长期的销售网络。当然，最后一项是建筑和房屋发展业。
因此，大家应该严正的看待霸市对华人经济所带来的冲击。
对于霸市，特别是资本雄厚的外资，对于我国的DISTRIBUTIVE TRADE的确会带来很大的影响，这个影响不是一朝一夕可以见到，而是在中长期。更重要的，如果任由霸市毫无节制的成立，华人在传统零售业、批发业，甚至是制造业在长期经营的优势将会崩溃。
或许有些人还记得在70/80年代初，当NEP在如火如荼的执行时，政府就发现到马来商家在零售业，五金业根本不能立足。原因是整个销售网络，从生产、批发到零售都是华人商家在做，一般马来人要打入这个网络是难如登天。其实，这种情形就好象印度人在MONEY CHANGER 和收买二手货市场的优势一样。
这样的优势当然不是从天而降，是这些商家经过长期经营，刻苦得来的。
在70/80年代，政府为了协助马来人打入这个网络，就成立了PERNAS TRADING，扮演批发的角色，希望可以通过PERNAS TRADING的官方优势来打破这个网络。当然，正如多数的政府的计划，PERNAS TRADING到了最后也没有什么成功。
但是，外资霸市的到来却是对这个网络带来了很大的冲击，如果没有良策来阻挡这股攻势，相信不出10年，这个华人先贤这么多年来的优势将会一蹶不振了。
这些外资到来本地，其实也不必带来太大的本钱，他们靠着母公司响当当的名字，就可以向银行借钱做生意。还有，本地厂商，特别是中小型的厂商，为了让产品可以在霸市上摆卖，账期可要特别通融。
外资霸市的策略很简单，只要用上三五年的时间，把本地传统零售商打得落花流水，这一层的销售网络一除之后，华人的批发业也跟着倒，剩下来的中小型厂家，要把产品推出市场就只有靠霸市了。试想想，华人厂家今后是不是要看外资的脸色做生意了吗？
自从NEP实行以来，华人在我国的经济地位每况愈下，策略性的经济领域根本就沾不上，而我们仅存的优势是在零售业，五金行业，特别是这两个行业长期的销售网络。当然，最后一项是建筑和房屋发展业。
因此，大家应该严正的看待霸市对华人经济所带来的冲击。
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